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March 1998

Handsome Prince Wanted /To rescue Social Democrats in distress

The German parliamentary elections.

Sometimes fairy tales do come true - at least that's the way it seems to Germany's left of center Social Democratic party, the SPD. Party leaders have been closely observing their political peers overseas; for example, U.S. President Bill Clinton. In 1992, following three terms of Republican rule, Clinton rode his white steed into the White House. In 1997, in Great Britain, New Labour's candidate Tony Blair trounced British Prime Minister John Major, ending 18 years of Tory rule. Now the electoral joust is set to begin on Teutonic tournament fields. After 16 years in opposition to Chancellor Helmut Kohl's governing Christian Democrats, the SPD is gearing up for September's federal parliamentary elections (Bundestagswahl). The party is hoping that the winds of change which blew so favorably in the United States and Great Britain are still strong enough to influence German voters. For advice on how to run a successful campaign, the SPD courted the opinion of tried and tested professionals, flying in campaign-hardened backroom boys from Britain and America. Their mission: to turn weaknesses into virtues and exploit the opposition's failings with the most Machiavellian methods. They would tell the SPD how to get it right. The consultants lost no time in getting to the heart of the matter: what the SPD lacks is an unrivalled charismatic candidate. In their hope to please the electorate, the SPD has come up with not one, but two possibilities: Oskar Lafontaine and Gerhard Schröder, the respective state prime ministers of the Saarland and Lower Saxony. The two politicians are currently standing more in opposition to each other than to the ruling Christian Democrats, which puts their party into a bit of a quandary. Schröder is the more popular of the two, and in his own charming way, could be more appealing to the undecided female voter. He is currently ahead in the public opinion polls which indicate that people currently favor him over Kohl by almost two to one. But before Schröder can fully concentrate on the chancellor candidacy, he's got to be re-elected as prime minister in his own state on March 1. The SPD is waiting for the outcome before committing itself to him. The party certainly won't put him at the reigns of their federal coach unless he wins, and wins big, in Lower Saxony. Lafontaine represents the grass roots of the party: traditional social democratic values, fiery talk of solidarity and at heart, a true union-man. His biggest disadvantage is that he has already been rejected by the country in the reunification election of 1990. Whoever becomes the candidate, the campaign consultants have convinced the SPD of the need for television appeal. Unsuccessful SPD candidates of the past have considered such concessions to popular public opinion to be superfluous. During the 1990 elections, Lafontaine's comrades despaired that Oskar couldn't accept any advice on how to preen his image to endear himself to the voters. SPD nominee Rudolf Scharping also stubbornly ignored advice that might have helped him win the 1994 election. He stuck with his professor-like ginger beard and horn-rimmed spectacles to the bitter end. On the other hand, the personal lives of German politicians are unlikely to be subjected to the sort of scrutiny faced by American candidates. Just last year Gerhard Schröder divorced his wife Hilu and promptly married a much younger woman. The press had a field day. The ex-Mrs. Schröder at first conducted herself with dignity, then spat poison in the front pages and finally released a book. The commotion has died down, but it remains to be seen if the messy divorce will have any impact on Schröder's electoral chances. Despite the absence of a candidate, the party still has to prepare for the election. After setting the framework at a murky "Innovation Congress," 60 enthusiastic party workers were called in to man the battle-stations of the SPD's new election center. With 40 million marks in the bank and just months before the big day, only a quiet tinkering can be heard from the SPD headquarters. Closer inquiry suggests that they're still in the planning stage. Evidently, when they finally get their candidate, the hot phase will begin and the nation will be treated to the delights of their election program. The Social Democrats' election headquarters has until now been concentrating its resources on Schröder's campaign in Lower Saxony; if they win there, they might be able to recycle their campaign posters in September. After carefully analyzing the state election in Lower Saxony, and the country's reaction to it, the SPD executive committee will deliver its recommendation for the chancellor candidature on March 16. Then the SPD campaign center will have just six months to prove to the public that Helmut Kohl is no longer a viable choice for Germany's chancellor, and to follow the consultants advice to accentuate the negative policies of the opposition and create that 'feel good feeling' around the SPD. The Greens are off to a flying start: they've already turned up the corners of the 'ü' (in Die Grünen) to provide us with a little smiley face. Maybe a catchy jingle, smart slogan or mascot will do the trick for the Social Democrats, who are still searching for their Prince Charming. In high spirits last year, following President Clinton's re-election, the SPD proudly unveiled their new symbol: a plump pumpkin. Few observers got the message or spotted the Cinderella parallels - rats that turned into horses and rags into beautiful ballgowns. It took an even greater flight of fantasy to see the pumpkin transformed into a new Germany. Whereas the SPD saw magic in the image, the public just saw a pumpkin.

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